Your Voice in a World where Zionism, Steel, and Fire, have Turned Justice Mute

 

 

The *FREE ARAB VOICE*
October 15, 1999
 
In this issue of the Free Arab Voice we present an exclusive Interview with
Dr. Habash, the General Secretary of the PFLP, on his opposition to dialogue
with Arafat, and his future plans, including his forthcoming resignation
from the General Secretariat of the PFLP (the Popular Front for the
Liberation of Palestine).
 
Prelude: It is an unfortunate fact that in our struggle against Zionism,
we tend to pay more attention to ongoing political, military, or clandestine
Zionist efforts against us, and less attention to the Zionist long-run
effort to bring about our psychological defeat by TARNISHING THE SYMBOLS
OF THE PALESTINIAN AND ARAB STRUGGLE. Even the continuous humiliation and
daily mistreatment of Yasser Arafat by "Israel", in spite of all his
services rendered, serves the same Zionist purpose of  bringing about Arab
psychological defeat. It is crucial therefore that ALL those who work for
Palestinian and Arab causes realize that when they sell out or buckle under
pressure, they do not only compromise themselves, but a little part of the
cause as well. This is true regardless of the activist's rank in the struggle,
because the activist's unofficial public office is a trust bestowed by the people
who are the first ones to be let down should s/he betray that trust. It is
specifically that betrayal that oppressors will seek, not just for the sake
of neutralizing the particular activist in question, but to demoralize other
activists as well and to shroud the cause in despair.
 
Oslo, its defeatist mentality, and the institutions it generated on the
ground are not only an oppressive status quo for the Palestinian and Arab
people; they are a test in which you either cross or do not cross the line
between patriotism and treason, or between justice and injustice. The
latter are morally charged words frequently subject to ridicule of course,
as it is in the best interest of oppressors anywhere to blur that line for
those who might ever think of challenging existing power arrangements. Yet,
when the DFLP and the PFLP cross that line, they don't only compromise
themselves, but a piece of the Palestinian cause and the Arab left with
them as well. It is in such circumstances that Dr. George Habash, an
entrenched symbol of the Palestinian struggle, has to make his stand for
the sake of Palestine and for the sake of hope.
 
Much confusion has surrounded the position of Dr. Habash, otherwise known
as El Hakim, regarding his real position on his organization's dialogue
with Arafat, and its setting of one foot in the track of the Oslo process.
Thus the following is not an open-ended interview, but rather a serious
attempt to clarify where El Hakim stands now.
 
In the following, you'll see that El Hakim remains El Hakim. He emerges
unscathed. With wisdom and clarity, he dispels the mystification surrounding
his position, while inserting what looks like subtle messages between the
lines as well. Read all about it.
                                         The Free Arab Voice
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[This interview was conducted for the Free Arab Voice (FAV) by Ibrahim
Alloush]
 
FAV: What is your position on dialogue with Arafat?  Why has the PFLP
changed its position on such a dialogue? Is that related to the election
of Barak ?
 
El Hakim: Dialogue in this critical phase that the Palestinian cause is
going through can't be rejected by any rational person, as a matter of
principle. But we can't tackle this question only on an abstract level.
Dialogue in principle is one thing, and dialogue with Arafat is another.
We in the PFLP called for dialogue with everyone without exception,
including dialogue with Arafat, when Netanyahu became prime minister
several years ago. Such a call for dialogue had its justifications at
the time. We called for dialogue with Arafat enthusiastically then, but
Arafat didn't care much for dialogue. He took the whole thing with
indifference.
 
So when Arafat becomes so eager now for dialogue with us, we have to ask
ourselves why he was so much less eager for dialogue before. I asked myself
how we may understand this shifting position of his. My answer to myself and
to the Politbureau of the PFLP was that the U.S. Government now realizes that
there has to be some kind of solution for the Palestinian question. Given
their knowledge of Arafat's character, they most likely resolved to give him
something that may be called a state, regardless of the content of such a state
of course. In such case, Arafat has to accept fundamental clauses to give to
"Israel" in return for this state, or call it a 'reduced state' if you will.
 
In exchange for this state, Arafat will have to acquiesce to very
fundamental concessions, from the point of view of the Palestinian people,
specifically on the issues of Jerusalem and the right of return of five
million Palestinians abroad. "Israel" will not at this stage make any
concessions in these two crucial areas. Other areas like settlements,
water, and the borders of the 'reduced state' may be on the negotiating
table. Whereas Jerusalem and the right of return of the five million to
Palestine are not. Arafat knows that his acceptance of such concessions
in these two areas is equivalent to committing a crime against the Palestinian
people. How could the Palestinian people give up Jerusalem and the right of
return?!
 
That's why Arafat suddenly became enthusiastic for dialogue with us: he
wants a cover for committing such a crime. THAT'S WHY I OPPOSE DIALOGUE
WITH ARAFAT AT THIS POINT. He wants us to become a cover to legitimize
his concessions.
 
FAV: But if you were against dialogue with Arafat, why don't you try to
change the position of the PFLP on such a dialogue, especially given all
the weight you carry inside the PFLP?
 
El Hakim: I AM CURRENTLY DOING MY BEST TO CHANGE THE POSITION OF THE PFLP
ON DIALOGUE WITH ARAFAT. I am going through a difficult phase in this period
of my life. There has been inside me a furious contradiction that needed to
be resolved between the political line of the PFLP that I helped delineate
since the establishment of the PFLP on one hand, and the question of
democracy inside the organization of the PFLP on the other hand. Because in
the final analysis the majority of my comrades inside the Central Committee
of the PFLP accepted the call for dialogue with Arafat. They have their
premises that I don't subscribe to. This led to a sharp contradiction
within me: should I give priority to democracy [majority rule] or to the
established political line of the PFLP? The latter mind you is no less
important than the former. Eventually I went with the latter: the political
line of the PFLP, our scrupulous positions, and the constants of the
Palestinian struggle.
 
Hence, some comrades in the Central Committee suggested the following to me:
'Dr. Habash, since you say that you no longer want to be the General
Secretary of the PFLP, and since that will be settled in two or three months
when the PFLP's Sixth Convention meets, we will give you your perfect freedom
to present your point of view on dialogue with Arafat in public. In return,
you remain General Secretary until the Sixth Convention meets'. And this is
what I chose to do, and am doing right now.
 
FAV: So it is true that you decided to retire from political activism? What
are your future plans?
 
El Hakim: Leaving the position of General Secretary of the PFLP is one
thing, and retiring from political activism is another. I want to resign
from the General Secretariat for a number of reasons: 1) I want to set an
example that it's not necessary for anyone to remain General Secretary
forever, 2) I want to find the time to study and draw the lessons of my
political experience and to write them down for the benefit of future
generations. I've tried to do that in the recent past, but I couldn't find
the time really, and 3) I want to establish a research center concerned with
the study of the issues pertaining to the Palestinian and Arab struggle.
 
In short, there's a big difference between leaving the General Secretariat
and leaving political action. Leaving the latter is not possible.
 
FAV: Does your health have anything to do with this decision?
 
El Hakim: No, my criterion for health considerations hinges on my ability
to do work, and so my health is still in good shape.
 
FAV: Are you going to leave the General Secretariat only or the PFLP?
 
El Hakim: I won't leave political action, and I won't leave for health
reasons.. I'll be making a speech in the Sixth Convention of the PFLP
explaining why I'm leaving the General Secretariat, and the new tasks
that I'll be devoting myself to.
 
FAV: One final question, what was your position on Nayyef Hawatmeh's
(the General Secretary of the DFLP) infamous hand shake with Weisman?
 
El Hakim: My position was very clear.
 
FAV: …which was?
 
El Hakim: ..its complete condemnation!
 
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FAV Editor: Ibrahim Alloush Editor@freearabvoice.org
Co-editors: Nabila Harb Harb@freearabvoice.org
  Muhammad Abu Nasr Nasr@freearabvoice.org
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