The *FREE ARAB VOICE*
October 30, 1998

In this issue of the Free Arab Voice (FAV), we present:

1)"Wye? For a War on the Palestinian People"..a political analysis
    by the Palestinian writer and thinker Munir Shafiq 

2)"Making Hope: The Need to Build a New Movement for Palestinian
Liberation" by Ahmad Qatamesh, the longest-held administrative
detainee, and a leading PFLP activist in the West Bank.

3)"Dust to Dust": a new poem by Nabila Martino, and a comment on the
political power of song and verse.

4)A Call for Peace and Reconciliation in Algeria by Thirty
Distinguished Muslim Leaders and Scholars.

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1) Wye? For a War on the Palestinian People.. 
   by Munir Shafiq

In the agreements that foreran the one hammered out recently at Wye 
Plantation, Zionist and U.S. Mideast policy-makers sought to dispose of 
all Palestinian demands for recovering Palestinian land, regaining 
Jerusalem, returning refugees,  ending the occupation, or dismantling 
settlements.  THEN THE WYE PLANTATION DEAL CAME TO DISPOSE OF THE 
RESISTANCE OF THE PALESTINIAN PEOPLE TO ZIONISM AND ITS POLICIES ON 
THEIR LAND.  So in the Oslo I and Oslo II Agreements, everything 
relating to Palestinian fundamentals and rights was confiscated either 
theoretically or practically or was set to move in that direction in the 
long-run.  In Wye Plantation on the other hand, most of the 
aforementioned was reaffirmed, but only to turn next to the business of 
managing and controlling the Palestinian people in what fell into place 
essentially as a deal on security.

Mistaken are those who think that this security deal is directed solely 
against the armed resistance against the Zionist occupation however.  It 
is in fact directed against the collective soul, consciousness, and 
psyche of the Palestinian people.  It is directed against Palestinian 
patriotism, historical memory, and against the backbone of the values 
that the Palestinian people hold, whether regarding the usurpation and 
occupation of Palestinian land, or regarding hopes and dreams and the 
Arab and Islamic identity of Palestine.  This is the meaning in the Wye 
Plantation security deal of the references to curbing anti-Zionist 
sedition, revising Palestinian educational curricula, censoring 
Palestinian media, and undermining the infrastructures that nurture 
"terrorism".   The term terrorism here does not refer strictly to armed 
resistance against the occupation either.  It encompasses all criticism 
of "Israeli" policies, the Hebrew state, the Zionist ideology, or the 
intrinsic injustices each of those visits upon the Palestinian people. 

In other words the security deal should not be read and tackled as if it 
is directed against Hamas, the Islamic Jihad, or the other Palestinian 
opposition groups EXCLUSIVELY.  It should be read as a deal directed 
mainly against the identity, consciousness, and soul of the Palestinian 
people BECAUSE THAT IS THE MEANING OF THE REFERENCES TO UPROOTING THE 
STEMS OF [PALESTINIAN] "TERRORISM", or the references to the primary 
sources that nurture "terrorism" that must be destroyed to destroy it.  
The tale of resistance that the Palestinian cause has known tells 
plainly of how the exit of one resistance movement from the arena, as 
happened to Fatah, the main faction of the PLO, was not the end of the 
road but the beginning of the entry of a new resistance movement to 
replace it.  Therefore, it was inevitable for those who have sought in 
vain to stamp out the Palestinian cause to hold the view that the 
"offender" must be the Palestinian people. 

This of course is the precursor for ideas and plans like "drying up the 
wells of terrorism", "undermining terrorist infrastructure", "curbing 
sedition", and suffocating anything that could generate opposition, 
resistance movements, or mass uprisings.  Thus in addition to 
re-amending the Palestinian National Charter, the Wye deal discusses the 
appointment of education and media experts and a law enforcement 
representative from each side to formulate a Palestinian law dealing 
with all forms of sedition.

It should be noted however that this approach has been tried for the 
last hundred years on the Palestinian people without success.  Today 
here are the Zionists and their cohorts going at it again from more 
unjust positions than ever before.  And they will fail again even in 
achieving the partial objective of rooting out Hamas and other 
opposition groups.  Then they will fail again and again in achieving the 
broader objective of destroying the resistance and the spirit of the 
Palestinian people.  FOR THEY MUST REALIZE THAT THE PROBLEM AT HAND IS 
NOT TECHNICAL TO HAVE A SIMPLISTIC SECURITY SOLUTION, BUT IS A POLITICAL 
ONE.  As for the first signs of failure, suffice it to say that the Wye 
Plantation security deal was met with unambiguous irritation even by 
those who said they could agree to whatever Palestinian negotiators 
agree to, which poses the Wye Plantation deal in the context of the 
broader political regional picture:

The seriousness of what took place at the Plantation exceeds the 
magnitude and depravity of  Palestinian concessions made there.  THE WYE 
PLANTATION DEAL HAS TO BE ASSESSED IN TERMS OF ITS NEGATIVE IMPACT ON 
THE ARAB LANDSCAPE AS WELL.  Particularly, that deal will weaken Syria 
and Lebanon's negotiating positions, and strengthen "Israel's" regional 
hand against larger Arab states like Egypt, Iraq, Saudi Arabia, and even 
Morocco.  The U.S. administration has already urged Arab states to 
resume normalization with "Israel" before ironing out differences with 
Netanyahu's government on numerous issues from settlement activity to 
his policies towards Arab states.  Some smaller Arab states are heeding 
the call.  The larger Arab regimes stand disarmed and threatened.  At 
the same time, no significant Palestinian achievements were sealed in 
Wye.  In that sense, the security deal has escalated the confrontation 
in the region rather than helping bring about peace and justice.

Not too long ago, relations between Clinton and Netanyahu were much less 
than cordial.  Enormous pressure was exerted on Clinton by the Zionist 
lobby and Likud hawks in Congress in open blackmail for more policy 
concessions in the Mideast.  Scandals abounded as the media joined in 
the fray.  Republicans made alliances with "Israel's" supporters against 
Clinton then they were sacrificed by Netanyahu on the altar of Wye 
Plantation.  For now, Clinton seems to have delivered his protection 
dues.  Part of that was securing from Palestinians concessions even on 
the little bit that was promised them in Oslo I and II.  Another part 
has translated into U.S. government promises of more advanced weaponry, 
financial backing, and security cooperation with "Israel", especially 
with respect to having the loathsome CIA directly handle Palestinian 
security.  But the third and most important part of Clinton's payoff to 
Netanyahu has been in the form of more blind political U.S. backing for 
"Israel".  For example, the U.S. government implicitly blessed the 
Turkish mobilization on Syria's northern border. 

Here the insult Netanyahu and Sharon directed at the American people and 
American national security, by demanding the release of the "Israeli" 
spy Jonathan Pollard, rears its ugly head.  The strange twist is that 
Clinton, who already jeopardized his position as head of state with 
numerous scandals, echoed the insult by promising to try to release 
Pollard, a promise that will likely be condemned by the American 
military establishment and the CIA!!  

Consequently, if Wye Plantation is to become the model for what is to 
follow in the next stages of the negotiations, that means the cause of 
Palestine has become more threatened than ever before.  But this will 
never become a fait accompli because the Palestinian, Arab, and Muslim 
peoples, and the free people of the world, will never let that happen in 
the long haul.

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2) Making Hope: The Need to Build a New Movement for Palestinian    
Liberation by Ahmad Qatamesh

[The following is Ahmad Qatamesh's viewpoint on the trend among 
Palestinians in America to reject organizations based on party lines for 
the sake of uniting all sectors of oppositionists towards the common 
goal of defeating Oslo and resurrecting the noble slogans of our past] 

Political parties are a step forward in our country because if there are 
no parties, you will go back to representation through the family and 
tribal system and this phase in history is gone.  Our modern society 
necessitates parties. Since we are in a state of despair and loss, 
people start asking questions: what is the importance of the factions 
who fought out the Palestinian revolution?  They did not achieve our 
goals in the past 30 years. Why should we believe in them?  Some say, I 
could choose to think independently, I could express the convictions in 
my heart and mind and then join with others. This way of thinking needs 
to be considered more carefully.  People who unite for the purpose of 
fighting a common enemy are, even if they do not admit it, following the 
framework of a party. To think in a "front" fashion is a party idea. 
Order is, by nature,  party-oriented.

The Palestinian national movement was defeated and it got old the 
leadership and the movement itself).  When in 1967, "Israel" invaded and 
occupied the West Bank, Gaza, the Golan Heights, the movement got old.  
They went through a deep, deep crisis.  From that crisis came the modern 
Palestinian revolution and started the struggle for thirty years. 
Factions sprung as a result of the '67 war. Then they were defeated.  
Now, a new leadership has to come forth for the modern revolution..  
From old, failed things, you take the good things to build something 
better just as the guerilla movement (PLO) came from the political 
movement of the past.

The PLO lived 30 years. Oslo happened. It is an American-Israeli project 
and it was imposed on the Palestinian people.  Our agenda was defeated 
after the 30 years and theirs, through Oslo, succeeded.  It is their 
program; not the program of the Palestinian people.  Why do we say we 
failed? Because we raised the slogan of ending the occupation and it's 
still there; we wanted a dismantling of the settlements and they are 
only growing in number; we wanted a state of our own and none of that 
happened.  We did not achieve even one of our objectives so that means 
that we have lost.  We are in a state of loss.  Therefore, the solution 
is to restart the political movement and struggle through again.  Can we 
do this? Yes, we can.  It is possible to do this because our cause is 
just.

The things that have the potential to ignite us are still there: our 
rights, our stolen land, the occupation, the settlements. As a result, 
you should consider why I am asking for each party to restructure so we 
can build a new party for the future. Whether we do the restructuring 
now or in the future, our issues are still there
and we have to tackle them through a new mechanism and leadership.  For 
that party to continue and achieve things differently from the previous 
period, it has to be more revolutionary, novel, modern, up-to-date, and 
evolved.  It has to be better than what we had before.  We cannot build 
a party from vacuum. We need to build it from what it was before but it 
has to be better.  From the political movement we had before and from 
the masses we have now, there must spring a new party that is better 
than what we had before. 

With or Without ideology?
- - - - - - - - - - - - -

Furthermore, there is no such thing as the end or failure of ideology.  
America tries to impose its ideology on the world as globalization tries 
to impose this homogenous ideology on the world so people may forget any 
other kind of ideology and follow America's. This is an imperialist 
ideology.  The U.S. government tries to give the impression that we won 
and you should follow us because we won. This is used to suppress others 
from revolting against the New World Order. But there will be changes in 
the world that will constitute a challenge to the United States.  

Arafat chose a certain ideology and a certain path through the US, and 
some say he will achieve his goals. He depends on the US to support him 
financially and every decision
should be agreed to by the US.  Anything he wants to do is related to 
the United States. The other ideology is not to tie oneself to the U.S. 
government because it will not give us the solution we need. MY SOLUTION 
ENTAILS DEPENDING ON OURSELVES AND BUILDING A GOOD RELATIONSHIP WITH THE 
ARAB MASSES AND CONTINUING THE STRUGGLE WITHOUT DEPENDENCE ON AMERICA.  

To take it on a smaller but more detailed scale, now the Palestinian 
Authority is controlled by an elite group that is controlled by one man. 
That is an ideology itself. When we ask for a democratic society where 
rule of law prevails, that is also an ideology.  One view on the street 
says there is no conflict with the enemy and we should worry about 
ourselves. The other says this is not the end of the conflict and we 
should continue our struggle. So there are two political movements, two 
ideologies.  The ideology is still there, it still exists, and it will 
make it easy for the party to continue and to flourish.  Without it, you 
cannot build a party and flourish. You need ideology to back you up. 

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3) "Dust to Dust", A new poem by Nabila Martino

"Theoretical principles of liberation and freedom are a vital part of 
the struggle, but the voices of the people and the land are embodied as 
well in poetry and music and lend strength and volume to the 
inarticulate but ongoing daily resistance to invaders and oppressors.  
Poetry and music can be tools in the struggle for liberation; they can 
serve to unite people who are separated by time and space, and actually 
have been known to bring hope and strength (as well as a measure of 
courage) when needed.  Do not underestimate the power of verse and 
song!"

Nabila Martino, On the Political Power of Verse and Song

Check out Nabila's new poem at:

To the Occupiers
http://www.mindspring.com/~fav/toTheOccupiers.htm

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4) A Call for Peace and Reconciliation in Algeria by Thirty Muslim      
Leaders and Scholars.

In a very important announcement, thirty distinguished Muslim leaders, 
scholars, and thinkers from Algeria and many other Arab and Islamic 
states called fervently earlier this October on all armed groups in 
Algeria to join in the truce declared by the military wing of the 
Islamic Salvation Front led by Abbassi Madani about a year ago, to help 
put an end to the mad carnage and plunder of the civil war.  The truce 
has been approved and observed by forty groups in Algeria so far, and 
was welcomed by the Algerian Army as well.  However, a faction calling 
itself the Armed Islamic Group has refused to heed the call to a cease 
fire, leading to the continuation of bloodshed and the violation of the 
lives and property of civilians, albeit at a diminished rate.  Thus, it 
seems that the bulk of this call to peace was directed at the leaders 
and members of the Armed Islamic Group.

The thirty co-signatories blessed the call for peace and reconciliation 
by the Islamic Salvation Front, and requested of other armed groups to 
heed it to help put an end to the savagery erroneously linked to Islam, 
and the concomitant efforts to distort Islam.  They noted the sanctity 
that Islam bestows on life and property, reminding all of the Islamic 
taboo on killing or violating the rights of fellow Algerians.  And in 
what may have far reaching implications for other small extremist 
Islamic groups practicing fanaticism outside Algeria, the thirty 
esteemed scholars condemned as un-Islamic all attempts to accuse the 
bulk of Muslims of infidel deviation from Islam, which is the 
justification typically used by small groups like the Armed Islamic 
Group to kill, rape, and pillage fellow citizens without restraint.  

Among the signatories were Shiek Ahmad Yassin, the spiritual leader of 
Hamas, Rashid Al-Ghanoushi of the Tunisian Al-Nahda movement, Yousif 
Qardawi, the prominent Egyptian Islamic scholar, Munir Shafiq, Dr. Azzam 
Tamimi, and dozens of others.  They called as well on the Algerian 
authorities to translate the truce politically into a comprehensive 
Algerian reconciliation. 

Let us all support this call for peace and reconciliation in Algeria.

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