*FREE ARAB VOICE*
June 1, 1998
In this issue of the Free
Arab Voice we present an article delineating
principles for a democratic strategy to oppose Arab regimes. The
writer, Abdul-Rahman Nouaimi, is a left-of-center figure and a
political exile from Bahrain who draws his conclusions from the
experience of the Bahraini leftist and Islamic opposition, but
you
will probably find, like we did upon reading his article, that
the
lessons are generally applicable to most other Arab states (use
your
imagination)...
Background:
British colonialism set Al-Kalifah family in power in Bahrain
since
the late 19th century. Ever since, they have ruled as a feudal
dynasty in typical Arab-regime style, monopolizing the lion's
share
of wealth and power in the country.
A British officer called Henderson has run the dreaded state
security
apparatus for the last 32 years. Since 1994, out of about 400
thousand Bahrainis, at least ten thousand have gone to jail for
political reasons not to mention about thirty people who died
under
torture. Many of the detainees were women (about 100) and
children.
The International Organization against Torture (OMCT) said 50
persons
between the ages of 10 to 16 were arrested and/or tortured since
January 98. Around 1500 prisoners of conscience linger in jail
today.
Furthermore, the state interferes regularly in the affairs of
labor
unions and professional associations. For example, a few months
ago
the elected administrative board of the Lawyers Association was
dissolved by decree and another board loyal to the state was
appointed
as replacement. The constitution and political liberties remain
suspended since years.
As a result, the broad-based constitutional movement has been
actively
and peacefully demanding of the ruling family to restore
constitutional
and parliamentary life. More than three years ago 25 thousand
Bahrainis
signed a petition to that effect. But the regime, which is one of
America's
allies in the region, ignored the petition and responded instead
with
oppression and accusations that Iran was the invisible hand
behind the
opposition movement. The regime also sought and obtained support
and security
expertise from several other Arab governments (which seem to
cooperate only against
the Arab people!). Internally, the regime attempted to decimate
the
pro-democracy movement by fomenting divisions between the Shiite
majority and
the Sunni minority, between Islamists and leftists, between the
Arabs and the
Arabized, or between those who belong to Bedioun tribes and those
who don't.
Below are excerpts from an essay on the optimal strategy to
confront
the regime written by Abdul-Rahman Muhammad Al-Nouaimi, a leading
opposition figure on the left. It was provided to the Free Arab
Voice, along with other literature, by friends in the
coordination
committee between the Popular Front and the National Liberation
Front
in Bahrain, with our greatest thanks and gratitude. We present it
to
our readers below as a viewpoint worthy of discussion and debate,
because of its relevance to other Arab states, and because we
care
about the people of all Arab states, including Bahrain.
Most interesting are Nouaimi's arguments in favor of an opening
up,
and a solid alliance even, between the parties of the Islamic
movement
and secular and leftist ones, to induce democratic reform. The
word
'reform' is chosen carefully here because Nouaimi does not
advocate an
overthrow of the regime, but rather suggests a minimum-level
political
program to gradually attain political and constitutional as well
as
social and economic rights, like women's and workers' rights,
through
popular struggle. In a different article, personal freedoms and
choice of lifestyle are also enumerated as political rights but
not
below.
We hope our insightful readers will readily make the connection
between the points in the article about Bahrain and other Arab
states.
The Free Arab Voice
######################################################
A STRATEGY TO CONFRONT AN ARAB REGIME: SOME BAHRAINI LESSONS
by Abdul-Rahman Al-Nouaimi
In spite of the Bahraini regime's reliance on security methods
and
divisive sectarian solutions, instead of dialogue, to respond to
the
demands of the constitutional movement, the internal balance of
power
between the people and the regime wouldn't have been so titled in
favor of the latter if it weren't for intensive political and
financial support from the regimes of Saudi Arabia, Kuwait, and
the
U.A.E. That support is ostensibly predicated on alleged Iranian
meddling that will eventually involve the whole Gulf region. But
in
reality it is instigated by the threat that a victory for the
people
in Bahrain might become a model to follow for the people in
neighboring
areas..
Thus in facing off the regime's strategy of oppression,
terrorism, and
security solutions, the democratic movement in Bahrain needs to
consider the following principles and issues:
I) Patriotic Unity (Al-wi7dah Al-wattanyah):
This should be the basis to confront the ruling family and to
restore
the parliament and political liberties. It is in the interest of
all
social strata and political parties to move from absolutist to
constitutional rule, the rule of law, and the institutions of
civil
society.
Surely it is na`tural for differences to exist between people,
political parties, and even within the same party. But it is also
good to bring those differences into the fore to learn new
democratic
traditions in political and organizational work in our country.
The
existence of differences however, doesn't preclude the
possibility of
sharing common ground especially with respect to a regime that
has
been slowly alienating most classes and political currents in
society.
On the other hand, the Islamic movement in its Sunni and Shiite
branches
emerged as a potent force in the political, social, and
intellectual fray
with the regime. They were present before of course, but now
their effectiveness
and political concerns began to intersect with those of the
democratic movement.
We began to open up instead of antagonize each other. Previously
we used to see the
religious movement as a reactionary extension of the regime, or
at least as a misguided
force that distracted the masses away from class and political
struggle. But now we have
discovered the need to open up to the other, to the movement of
political Islam.
This might be unacceptable to SOME Islamic groups that do not
recognize our right to
exist because they think of themselves as the shadow of God on
earth, out to eradicate
all forms of communism, atheism, secularism, etc...who only want
to ruthlessly implement
an intolerant code of a fanatical and extremist twist! That's why
the success that
crowned good relations between Islamic Sunni and Shiite parties
on one hand, and democratic
parties on the other hand has been such a great leap forward.
Still it is necessary to win
over more Islamic brothers, especially the Reform Association,
and those
traditionalists who oppose the corruption practiced and spread by
the regime and oppose
U.S. military presence on Bahraini territory.
In the past, some of the differences between and within political
parties have been used
by the regime to pit us against each other. But time and time
again we emphasized the need
to refrain from personal attacks and the need to engage in
political and intellectual
discourse. Hence, because a majority of the parties suffering
from the unjust policies of
the ruling family realized that they have to stick together, the
democratic and the Islamic
movement achieved a great alliance in recent years that
culminated in the letter sent to
the Prince in 1993 demanding the reactivation of the constitution
and the restoration of
parliament.
Later on, this inclination to coalesce formed the basis of the
petition signed by about 25
thousand Bahrainis. The leadership of the petition committee was
painted from all political
colors. This helped dilute the political impact of the wave of
sectarian discrimination
practiced by the regime to deflect attention away from itself and
to inflict internal
divisions on the movement.
II) The Unity of the Democratic Movement:
Within the democratic movement itself we failed to formally unite
and overcome
internal divisions. After the Second Gulf War and the collapse of
the Soviet Union,
the two Marxist organizations, the National Liberation Front of
Bahrain (NLF) and Popular
Front of Bahrain (PF), resolved jointly to float (de-emphasize)
ideology and embrace
political tasks instead. Yet in spite of progress, we failed to
reorganize in one party
that could become the backbone of the more broad-based democratic
movement. Until unity
between the NLF and PF comes however, relationships between these
two groups shouldn't
stand in the way of working with others in the democratic
movement who have proven
themselves worthy in the heat of the struggle.
More seriously nevertheless, the regime has succeeded in
penetrating the democratic
movement BECAUSE SOME COMRADES BELIEVED THAT IDEOLOGICAL ISSUES
SHOULD TAKE PRECEDENCE
OVER POLITICAL ONES, and because they disagreed thus with the
current democratic-Islamic
alliance. Others left us because they disapproved of operating in
public arguing for
clandestine political action instead. Others simply gave in under
the pressure of
oppression.
In short, the democratic movement is currently too weak to
undertake the political and
other tasks expected of it effectively.
Consequently, it is under-represented in the constitutional
movement, and thus our Islamic
brothers complain of getting an undue share of the heat from the
regime even though they
are fighting for the common constitutional cause. To sum up
though, unless we make alliances
and the minimum mobilization of forces our central task in the
coming period, we will have
much difficulty confronting the regime.
III) On the Form of the Struggle:
The form of the struggle should be determined in the light of
political tasks and available
political and social resources.
Therefore, because the constitutional movement demands the
reactivation of the constitution
and parliament, it follows that its objective is NOT to overthrow
the regime, but to coexist
with the regime, as the constitution itself reaffirms the right
of the Kalifah family to rule
Bahrain. This debunks all the claims of the regime about the
opposition wanting to establish
an Islamic or a non-Islamic republic in our country.
Moreover, the literature of the democratic movement is ripe with
references on the necessity
of engaging the masses actively in the struggle. Therefore we are
against terrorism [which is
elitist by nature -FAV]. First and foremost we are against the
terror practiced by the regime
and we have vowed to expose it. Yet we don't see the possibility
of inducing change through
violence due to the peculiarities of Bahrain and the Gulf region.
Hence, we continuously
emphasize peaceful, public, and popular political action. We
don't shy away from open
confrontation, but with words, leaflets, articles, petitions,
demonstrations, strikes, and
all other forms of peaceful, public, and popular protest.
It should be pointed out here that the violent militant forms
adopted by some elements in the
Islamic movement sprang forth as a reaction to the more violent
measures undertaken by the
regime. Furthermore, these actions can't be attributed to the
opposition as a whole even
when committed by some members of opposition parties. This is of
course not to mention that
some of these violent acts turned out to be later the handy work
of the security apparatus
headed by the British mercenary Henderson. These acts were later
over-exaggerated by the
regime and presented to the world as the mainstay of a protest
movement nourished by the
outside [Iran].
Therefore it is crucial for the constitutional movement to
condemn these acts of sabotage and
to expose the role of intelligence services in instigating them.
Instead, popular action
should be emphasized because it has proven its superiority time
and again. To engage in
popular action however, it is necessary to OBTAIN AN ADMISSION
FROM THE RULERS IN THE
PEOPLE'S RIGHT TO DEMONSTRATE AND PROTEST, and to clash with
security apparatuses when they
infringe on the people.
These things can't be deemed as terrorism, but as basic rights.
Citizens should be able to express their discontent and
opposition to the regime's
policies, and even to press for a change of government. Mind you,
we are not trouble-makers,
strike-mongers, nor do we fancy political exile. We are simply
demanding rights. We believe
these rights reflect what the people want, and the level of
social and political development
our people have reached. Therefore, it is our right to use all
sorts of popular pressure to
convince the ruling family that it is the people who are asking
for these demands, not a
minority that could be ignored.
IV) Regarding Support from our Friends in the Gulf, Other Arab
States, and the World:
The democratic movement has always maintained that in principle
it is in the interest of
both the government and the people to restrict their political
struggle to Bahrain itself,
and to solve our differences by ourselves without intermediaries
between us and the
ruling family. However, this can't apply to one side of the
political equation and not
the other: the ruling family relies on British mercenaries and
experts in oppression from
several Arab governments.
It has furthermore taken the battle to discredit and destroy the
opposition to the states
of the Gulf Cooperation Council and other Arab states. Thus it
becomes necessary for us to
counter with better connections with friends in the Gulf region
and the rest of the Arab
world..
The ruling family in Bahrain receives financial backing from
Saudi Arabia and Kuwait, and
propaganda and security cooperation from all the states of the
Gulf Cooperation Council. By
contrast, the democratic movement in the Gulf region is NOT
offering even a minor
offsetting hand to their brothers and sisters in Bahrain.
Moreover, the ruling family in Bahrain adopted a policy of
deporting citizens for upholding
(or suspicion of) opposing political beliefs in total disregard
for the constitution.
Wouldn't be only normal for these exiles to EXPLAIN to their Arab
and international hosts
why they can't go back to their country?!!
And where the government of Bahrain does not lend any weight to
Arab public opinion, human
rights organizations, or Arab political parties, it quivers with
fear from criticisms
directed at it from Britain, the European Parliament, or
international organizations. It
would be natural for the opposition in the face of such
obstinateness therefore, to relay
its message to the whole world...So let the world have the final
word in the struggle raging
between us and a ruling family living outside time, refusing to
admit that it's part of the
people, insisting that it is above the people, and denying the
right of the people to
participate in political decision-making or the right of the
people in saying to the highest
head in this ruling family: NO!!
Let us work together to expose this ruling family in
international forums especially in
the area of human rights, and to expose the governments that
support it, especially that
of the United States which practices double-standards blatantly,
protecting oppressive
regimes while claiming to be defending human rights as a matter
of principle.
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Disclaimer: this article has been summarized and translated from
Arabic by the Free Arab Voice. Therefore, any shortcomings in the
text are our responsibility. For example, among other things,
many
paragraphs dealing with labor unions demands were left out due to
lack
of space. Maybe we'll make it up in future issues- FAV.
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